“New Yorker union averts a strike, reaches agreement with bosses” (The Washington Post; June 16, 2021)

Leadership of the New Yorker Union — which for weeks threatened that it was on the verge of a strike while negotiating with bosses over pay, benefits and other issues — announced Wednesday it has reached an agreement with the magazine and parent company Condé Nast over terms of its first employee contract.

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Condé Nast, the New Yorker and the union have agreed to raise the salary minimum to $60,000 by 2023, increase wages by 10 percent for many union members and guarantee annual raises. The parties also agreed on issues related to overtime work, health-care costs and severance. Unions for two other Condé titles, Pitchfork and Ars Technica, also reached agreements in contracts.

“The New Yorker’s labor dispute reaches Anna Wintour’s doorstep” (The Washington Post; June 9, 2021)

The signs read “You can’t eat prestige” in the instantly recognizable font of the New Yorker. Of course a protest over workplace conditions at one of the most exalted magazines in the world would have good graphic design.

Remnants of a massive thunderstorm drizzled down Tuesday night as about 100 members and supporters of unions at Condé Nast magazines, including the New Yorker, picketed the Greenwich Village townhouse of the media empire’s most well-known executive: Anna Wintour. Because New York’s sidewalks are narrow, they marched in an elongated oval formation for about 10 minutes — just long enough for cameras to capture chants like, “Bosses wear Prada, workers get nada!” (Again, when your union is made up of fact-checkers, Web producers and copy editors, you can write some pretty catchy chants.)

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The demonstration was the latest, most aggressive public action taken by the New Yorker Union in its labor dispute with Condé Nast. The union has warned it’s on the verge of calling a strike that could seriously hamper or stop magazine production over demands related to pay, health insurance, job security and flexibility to do outside work. They have accused the company of dragging its feet for more than two years over negotiations. And they’ve been increasingly vocal, using protests and other demonstrations to drum up support from celebrities, politicians and the public.

“We Finally Won Just Cause Protection at The New Yorker after AOC and Warren Refused to Cross Our Picket Line” (Labor Notes; October 23, 2020)

After 95 years, at-will employment is over at The New Yorker. Our union finally won just cause in our first contract. Securing this protection took strong organizing and strategic mobilization—on top of nearly two years of negotiations.

What changed the tide was a digital picket of the New Yorker Festival, a weeklong annual event where celebrities, politicians, and various experts discuss timely topics. The opening night was to feature Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Senator Elizabeth Warren talking about “the future of progressivism.”

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We initially decided to picket only this one event. We reached out to both congresswomen to explain our fight. They confirmed that they would stand with us and not cross our picket line, and they let management know that they were unable to participate in the festival while this dispute remained unresolved. AOC even tweeted to her 9 million followers, “Love the @NewYorker, but @ewarren and I don’t cross picket lines.”

“Condé Nast Agrees to End the Use of NDAs Across the Entire Company” (The Daily Beast; February 21, 2020)

Condé Nast will eliminate the use of non-disclosure agreements related to harassment and discrimination, and plans to release some employees from existing harassment or discrimination-linked arrangements. In a Friday morning note to staff shared with The Daily Beast, Condé Nast management said the iconic publisher, which includes more than a dozen titles like The New Yorker, GQ, and Vogue, among others, will end such NDAs, and will cease previously existing agreements “on a case-by-case basis.”

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Over the past several months, The New Yorker’s editorial union has been in collective bargaining with the company’s leadership for a new contract. One of the union’s primary concerns has been the addition of contract language banning the use of NDAs in instances of harassment and discrimination, and releasing any current and former staff from past arrangements. Condé Nast has contended that the company was committed to eliminating NDAs before The New Yorker union’s proposal, though union staffers were irked that magazine leadership was virtually silent about the proposal before Friday’s announcement.  “I’m pleasantly surprised to hear that management has embraced our concept, including the extension of this policy to everyone at the company,” New Yorker union unit chair Natalie Meade said. “Our union members look forward to ratifying our first CBA, which would enshrine this new industry standard.”

“Condé Nast to Limit the Use of NDAs” (New York Times; February 21, 2020)

The use of nondisclosure agreements for workers who make complaints of sexual harassment or discrimination has become a point of contention in the wake of the #MeToo movement, and The New Yorker has been at the forefront of the discussion. The magazine won a Pulitzer Prize in 2018 for Ronan Farrow’s investigation into allegations of sexual misconduct by the film producer Harvey Weinstein, which involved the use of nondisclosure agreements to silence his accusers.

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The union that represents employees at The New Yorker and the Condé Nast publications Pitchfork and Ars Technica had proposed that the company drop nondisclosure agreements at the bargaining table for The New Yorker in November, said Susan DeCarava, the president of the union, the NewsGuild of New York. “We had been having a conversation throughout our union that I think was mirrored culturally and socially about the damage that NDAs cause in workplaces,” Ms. DeCarava said. “It has been particularly acute for our membership, in part because many of our members are among those who broke stories about rampant misconduct, abuse and harassment,” she added. “There’s also the hypocrisy of media companies on one hand employing people to expose these things and on the other hand utilizing these very same mechanisms, oftentimes in the very same newsroom.” Ms. DeCarava said Condé Nast’s announcement was welcome, but urged the company to include the new policy in its formal agreements with the union. She added that the NewsGuild hoped the company would broaden the policy and release anyone who had signed a nondisclosure agreement, without exception.

“What’s Left of Condé Nast” (New York; October 28, 2019)

The big success in charging online admission has been The New Yorker, which says it has persuaded 1.3 million people to pay as much as $149 a year for the weekly magazine and online access — a good thing, given that an issue in September had just three full-page ads.

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If there is a financial bright spot among Condé’s legacy brands, it is, to pretty much everyone’s surprise, The New Yorker. Over the years, the magazine has often been a venerable money pit, but thanks to a concerted effort to boost its subscription price, a loyal readership, a Trump bump, and investment in its digital offering — plus the tote bag — the magazine was now making more than 70 percent of its revenue from subscriptions. Condé Nast says The New Yorker is profitable.

“Condé Nast’s sales reorg is turning out its most financially successful New Yorker Festival” (The Drum; October 11, 2019)

The 20th incarnation of the festival is set to be its “best year financially” since launch in 2000, according to the publisher’s chief business officer, Chris Mitchell. Ticket sales and sponsorship deals have both been responsible for this success, although a reappraisal of the latter has led to event sponsorship across The New Yorker’s live calendar increasing by 58% this year . . . The New Yorker has developed the consumer product itself. For the first time, it sold a limited edition ‘premier pass’ (the sale ended quickly on 3 September), which—for a $899—granted early access to ticket registration and entry to up to 10 events. The VIP package was a “real success”, said Mitchell, as was the general sale. Five days before the festival started, The New Yorker recorded its highest ticket sales in the history of the event.

“The Good Tidings of Solidarity: A Successful Unionization Effort at ‘The New Yorker’ Proved to be More Than a Victory for Labor” (The Outline; December 24, 2018)

There’s a long road ahead for members of The New Yorker union — who are now in the process of bargaining with management — and I am in awe of their spirit and activism in continuing to better the workplace and the industry. The sheer fact of a union there was both a historic and symbolic win for the labor movement and for journalism. If organizing a nearly century-old publication famous for being resistant to unionizing is possible, then perhaps there is hope for us all.

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Participating in the magazine’s unionization effort encouraged me to believe that beyond work and ambition, there was life. Having tough, ongoing conversations with people with whom I spent most of my waking hours proved just how much I had to learn about those I’d previously assumed everything. This work, more than reporting or networking or protesting or succeeding, was what returned my humanity to me after the realities of working in media had all but snuffed it out.

“New Yorker Magazine to Recognize Newly Formed Union” (Wall Street Journal; July 9, 2018)

The New Yorker magazine is voluntarily recognizing the union of its editorial staff members, becoming the latest prominent media organization to do so even as the industry faces continued profit pressures.

“New Yorker magazine recognizes staff’s union” (CNN; July 9, 2018)

The news comes as a welcome development to New Yorker staffers, who had waged a spirited organizing campaign over the last month, using social media and a slick website to promote the union. In a statement, the New Yorker Union said it was "pleased to announce that we have reached a tentative agreement with management on voluntary recognition of our union" and that a card check will take place on July 19 "to verify that a majority of eligible staffers have elected to join the NewsGuild of New York." "We will share more details as soon as they are finalized. In the meantime, we'd like to thank all the readers and supporters who have expressed solidarity with our newsroom in the past few weeks," the statement said. "The outpouring of support has bolstered the collective power we have built during this organizing campaign. We are eager to take the next steps toward certifying our union." It may also come as a relief for Remnick, a liberal stalwart who may have lost esteem from his ideological brethren if Condé Nast, the New Yorker's parent company, had fought the union. The magazine has a history of anti-labor activity, having successfully staved off a union drive in the 1970s. But in asking for voluntary recognition from management -- a necessary step in order to avoid an election administered by the National Labor Relations Board -- the NewsGuild boasted that nearly 90% of New Yorker staffers had backed the union.

“New Yorker Management Voluntarily Recognizes Staffers’ Union” (Adweek; July 9, 2018)

“The New Yorker Staff Has Unionized” (New York; June 6, 2018)

Assistant editor McKenna Stayner said that it’s hard for The New Yorker “to make the argument that the magazine can’t afford to treat its current employees better given that we’re making a profit, that we’re growing massively and hiring,” And, Stayner argued, recognizing the proposed union feels like a moment for the publication to live its values. “What we’re promoting in our pages, we should also be promoting in our workplace. We run labor pieces, and for many of our writers, their system of beliefs is for workers’ rights. Particularly in the last year and a half, with the certain kind of tone of moral authority we have taken on, it would be confusing for both readers and employees for there to be a lot of aggressive pressure against unionizing from New Yorker management.” “We’ve been told for years that because you get prestige, you don’t get money,” said one print staffer who asked to discuss salary considerations anonymously because of the potential professional consequences. The staffer pointed out that cost of living in New York has far outstripped pay increases at the publication. “You have to be independently wealthy, or have an alternate form of funds, to afford to take these jobs, and many people come from the same pool of Harvard or Yale,” the staffer said (adding that, despite the editor-in-chief’s alma mater, “Princeton is not in vogue at The New Yorker anymore”).

“Staffers at The New Yorker Organize a Union” (CNN; June 6, 2018)

New Yorker staffers have organized with the NewsGuild of New York, and they are among a growing number of journalists -- both print and digital -- who have sought a union. The NewsGuild said nearly 90% of staffers have signed on to the unionizing efforts. On Wednesday, editorial, social and photo staff members at Fast Company also announced the formation of a union with the Writers Guild of America, East. Earlier this spring, staff members at the Chicago Tribune formed a union, which was recognized last month by the paper's owners, Tronc. Like the Tribune, the New Yorker has a history of being anti-union. In the 1970s, management at New Yorker successfully staved off a union drive.

“The New Yorker and Fast Company Magazines’ Staffers Launch Union Campaigns” (HuffPost; June 6, 2018)

The wave of unionization in journalism picked up some more momentum on Wednesday, with two unions saying they intend to represent employees at The New Yorker and Fast Company magazines. The NewsGuild of New York said 90 percent of editorial staffers at the storied long-form weekly had signed union cards. They asked management to recognize the union in a letter sent to New Yorker Editor David Remnick Wednesday morning. In a statement, the NewsGuild said New Yorker employees were hoping to unionize “for job protection, equitable salaries, improved benefits and, among other items, diversity in the workplace.” Doing so, the union said, would “preserve the legacy of the publication.”

“The New Yorker’s Iconic Logo Gets a Brilliant Remix” (Fast Company; June 6, 2018)

The New Yorker‘s editorial staff has formed a union. As part of the announcement, the union has taken the magazine’s iconic mascot, Eustace Tilley, and redrawn him as a man ready to strike–so long as the effort doesn’t get his wingtips dirty. Gone is Tilley’s famous monocle; in its place is a raised fist. He still stands tall with that turtle-neck-ascot-thing he always wears, and his top hat gleams in the light with that fresh coating of contraband whale oil. His chin still reaches a perfect, 25-degree arc of contempt for, and judgement of, the world around him, like he’s checked his neck posture with a protractor in the bathroom of the nearest Starbucks before announcing to everyone and no one, “I would never drink a caramel frappucino” on his way out. And yes, he says “car-a-mél” in three full syllables, with a flourish that reveals he’s watched almost every show in the lineup of Masterpiece Theater at least once–some even twice.

“The New Yorker Joins a Growing List of Media Companies to Unionize” (New York Times; June 6, 2018)

“Scaramucci’s Expletive-Filled Rant Broke a Traffic Record for The New Yorker” (Poynter; July 30, 2017)

“To date, the piece has generated: 4.4 million unique visitors, making it newyorker.com’s most-read piece of 2017 so far and 1.7 million entries from social-media platforms,” the magazine disclosed Sunday. It also generated “more than 100,000 concurrent visitors in the hours following publication, a record for newyorker.com.” And, “Since the story was published, we’ve seen a 92 percent increase in the July daily average of new subs.”

“How The New Yorker Is Capitalizing on Its Trump Bump” (Digiday; March 10, 2017)

When The New Yorker put its site behind a metered paywall in November of 2014, the expectation was that traffic would go down. Not only did traffic increase 30 percent within a few months (it’s now 15.6 million uniques), but subscriptions grew 85 percent year over year. Then came the election, which delivered The New Yorker’s biggest month ever in subscription growth in January, when it sold 100,000, a 300 percent increase over the year-ago month. Circulation is now the highest it’s ever been, at 1.1 million, a combination of print/digital, print-only and digital-only.

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Unlike other publications that are going after reader revenue to offset flagging ad revenue, The New Yorker is still growing on the ad side. For the first two months of the year, advertising rose 20 percent year over year, most of that coming from digital. Still, reader revenue is a growing part of the mix, driving 55 percent of the revenue, so the priority is turning readers into paying subscribers.

“How The New Yorker Plans to Double Its Paid Circulation to 2 Million” (Digiday; March 9, 2018)

Total paid circulation for the highbrow weekly rose 12.3 percent last year to 1.2 million, even as the subscription price grew 20 percent to $120 for the most popular print-digital bundle. … Helped by the additional circulation revenue, The New Yorker has hired 15 writers for the site in the past year for a total of 40 (a mix of web-only and web-focused staff writers) and plans to add up to 10 more this year, focused on areas like Washington and health. The publication hasn’t cut back, saying the goal is to offer more to readers, as it’s found that the more kinds of content people read, the more willing they are to pay up.

“How The New Yorker Brought the Soul of the Magazine to the Web” (Poynter; January 31, 2017)

Sometimes as many as 10 people read New Yorker stories before they’re published in the print magazine: the author, the story editor (works with the author to shape the piece), the copy editor, the query proofreader (a sort of editorial gadfly), the fact-checker, the page OK-er (a combination copy editor, query proofreader and line editor), the proofreader and the foundry reader (the last read before press). Plus, the editor in chief and deputy editors often weigh in. That kind of editorial rigor produces sparkling prose, but it’s at odds with the pace of The New Yorker’s website, which now publishes about 15 stories per day, Thompson said. So, a different approach was required. In 2012, Remnick appointed Thompson digital editor and tasked him with transforming The New Yorker’s website from a repository of magazine stories to an ambitious entity of its own.

The Story of the First Drive to Unionize The New Yorker (n+1; Winter 2015)

If there is any one general theme here, besides the usual apocalyptic warnings about destruction of the magazine, it is the disavowal of ordinariness, as if ordinariness were the eighth deadly sin. The company is profit-making “but not in any orthodox way.” The publishers “went counter to almost every normal business impulse.” The New Yorker is a “miracle.” And so forth. To someone so convinced that those under him shared the ideals he wanted to believe he represented — gentility, fairness, modesty, self-sacrifice, antimaterialism, humanity, and above all a devotion to truth as expressed through the written word — it must have come as quite a shock to see that a lot of his employees also considered putting out the New Yorker to be a job, one for which they were increasingly poorly paid.